Abstract
The dichotomy of religious coping caters to both positive and negative ways to cope with trauma and distress. The present study aims at investigating the prevalence of Positive and negative religious coping among Afghan migrants in Pakistan. To measure religious coping (RCOPE-Brief) by Pargament et al. (1998) was used. %). The total sample consists of one hundred and thirty-five participants, including 81 males and 54 females, with an age range between 18 to 35 years. Data collection employed non-purposive and snowball sampling techniques, and data was collected from Islamabad/Rawalpindi. Results of the study showed that Afghan migrants are inclined more towards using positive religious coping than negative religious coping. %) Most of the sample reported that they feel more “connected and collaborated to God” and seek “God's forgiveness, love, care and strength” to cope with trauma and stress. Most of the Afghan refugees perceive that their suffering and trauma is God’s punishment; they believe that God has abandoned them, and they also blame devils as responsible for their trauma and suffering. Positive religious coping represents a significant adaptive mechanism for Afghan migrants, enabling them to draw strength, support, and meaning from their religious beliefs and practices in the context of migration and resettlement.
Key Words:
Positive religious coping, Negative religious coping, Afghan Migrants
Afghan migrants refer to individuals who have moved from Afghanistan to another country for various reasons, such as seeking asylum, better economic opportunities, or escaping conflict and persecution in their home country. Most refugees experience horrific events while migrating. They experience a variety of traumas before leaving their native country, such as violations of human rights, the death of family members due to homicide, imprisonment, or torture, and the effects of war. They frequently experience sexual and physical assault while travelling to their desired location, as well as abuse by traffickers and authorities. Refugees suffer additional difficulties after they settle in their new country, including post-migration stresses, a sense of displacement and isolation, social marginalization that can turn hostile, and a struggle to achieve their fundamental needs for life (Gagliardi, 2021).
Pakistan is home to an estimated 1.4 million Afghan migrants, including 54% males and 46% females (Hirad et al., 2023). Afghan migrants have grown to be a major concern over time for Pakistan due to factors like diminishing donor support, housing shortages, an unstable economy, refugee fatigue, and the threat of growing terrorism, which created tension in Pak- Afghan relations (Khan, 2017). Afghan migrants are subjected to various challenges, including economic, imprisonment, education, improper healthcare, documentation, occupation and gender disparity etc.
Religion is a source of complex thinking with a variety of impacts on coping techniques. People frequently turn to God when they are facing hardship. Since they think every problem comes from God and only God can take it away from them. Researchers frequently refer to it as a “double-edged sword” since it may develop resilience while also influencing or contributing to negative ideas about oneself, others, and the community, which can alter PTSD symptoms (Pargament, 2022). Afghan trauma survivors, the majority of whom identified as Muslims, displayed this complexity (Ghorbani et al., 2021). Religion, spirituality, and faith are frequently found to play an important part in helping Islamic refugee populations cope with hardships, stress, and trauma (Hasan et al., 2018).
Religious coping is a dichotomous phenomenon consisting of positive religious coping and negative religious coping. Generally, positive religious coping is considered helpful, while negative religious coping is maladaptive. Positive religious coping is characterized by a close relationship with God and a belief that life has a deeper meaning and a sense of spiritual belonging, while negative religious coping strategies are characterized by a shattered worldview and a religious conflict (Abu Raiya et al., 2018).
Positive religious coping methods typically involve seeing stressors as important, viewing God as their companion, valuing and appreciating God's love and care, expressing their protected relationships with inspiring force, forming connections with others with sacred sense, and having a generous worldview (Pargament et al., 2011). As a result, they frequently prove to be beneficial for persons who are under stress. On the other hand, Pargament et al. (2011) described negative religious coping mechanisms in which individuals believe that stress is a punishment that God has given to them and also get solutions for their stressor by relying on God, who they will not have believed will assist them, so in short negative religious techniques are staying under stress, depending and divine. These individuals, therefore, had a higher potential for negative outcomes. According to a study on Syrian and Palestine refugees in Jordan, religious coping leads to and plays a significant influence on psychological resilience among Muslim refugees (Skalisky et al., 2020). There have been many studies based on religious coping, religiosity and mental well-being of migrants. However, this study particularly focuses on whether positive religious coping is more prevalent or negative religious coping among Afghan migrants.
Method
Instrument
In order to gauge the positive and negative religious coping in Afghan migrants living in Pakistan, a brief Religious coping scale (RCOPE) developed by Pargament et al. (1998) was used. Positive religious coping (PRC) comprises seven good attributes, such as “looking for a stronger connection with God.” Negative religious coping (NRC) comprises seven negative traits, such as “thought whether God has abandoned me”. It was scored on a Likert scale with a range of 1 to 4, and each attribute was given a score. (1 = never; 2 = rarely; 3 = sometimes; 4 = a great deal). The overall alpha reliability for the PRC was .93, and for NRC, it was .79 for the present study.
Sample
A non-probability purposive and snowball sampling technique was used to obtain data from one hundred and thirty-five Muslim Afghan migrants. Most of the sample lies in the age range between the age group of 18 to 25 years (n = 68), and 60% males & 40% females participated in the study. Most participants were single (N = 85), belonging to middle-class socioeconomic status (n = 98), and fifty-six participants were Afghan passport/visa holders. Their year of arrival in Pakistan was between 2011 to 2023. All participants of the study can easily understand the English language.
Procedure
After securing permission from the ethical research committee at the National Institute of Psychology, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad, data was collected from various scattered Afghan communities living in Pakistan. Information about the Afghan migrants living in Pakistan was acquired from the attaché officer of the Afghan embassy and the International Organization of Migrants (IOM) Pakistan. After securing written and oral consent from each participant, data was collected on a self-report form containing questions related to their religious coping practices. After data collection, the data was analyzed using the Statistical Package for Social Science-20 (SPSS-20).
Results
In order to obtain results related to the positive and negative use of religious coping by Afghan migrants, a descriptive analysis was done. Results were presented in bar graphs depicting the percentages obtained by sample on each item and a composite of both Positive religious coping (PRCOPE) and Negative religious coping (NRCOPE). Moreover, to obtain the strength of the relationship through Pearson correlation analysis and to see the gender differences, an Independent t-test was also computed.
The above bar graphs (figure 1) show that most of the Afghan migrants (14.8 %) feel more “connected and collaborated to God,” and 14.6% to 14.5% seek “God's forgiveness, love, care and strength” to cope with trauma and stress. Fourteen percent to 13.2% of the sample use religious as a positive way to cope with anger and distress in trauma. On the other hand (figure 2) depicts the use of negative religious coping, and results show that most of the Afghan Migrants 15.9% perceive that their suffering and trauma are God’s punishment, 15.6 % felt that God punishes them, 15.5% believe that God has abandoned them, 14.5 % question God for His love and power (12.9%). Whereas 12.6 % blame devils as responsible for their trauma and suffering.
The above pie chart (figure 3) shows that 63% of Afghan Migrants use positive religious coping and 37 % use negative religious coping to deal with adversity. So, overall, most of the sample is inclined towards the use of positive coping as compared to negative coping.
Results in Table 1 show no significant mean differences exist between male and female Afghan migrants on the use of positive and negative religious coping.
Table 1 & 2 shows a moderate to strong significant correlation between different domains of positive religious coping among the study sample. At the same time, a moderate to weak correlation exists between different domains of negative religious coping among Afghan migrants.
Discussion
Religious beliefs and practices often serve as a primary framework through which Afghan migrants interpret and navigate their experiences of migration and resettlement. Religious coping, which involves drawing on religious beliefs and practices to manage distressing situations, can be an important aspect of mental health support for Afghan migrants. Results of the present study showed Afghan migrants are inclined more toward the use of positive religious coping. Positive religious coping encompasses a range of adaptive strategies grounded in religious beliefs and practices that facilitate individuals ability to cope with stress, trauma, and adversity. These strategies may include seeking comfort and solace in prayer, finding meaning and purpose in religious teachings, relying on social support networks within religious communities, and engaging in acts of charity and service as expressions of faith (Abu Raiya et al., 2018; Ano & Vasconcelos., 2005). For Afghan migrants, these religious coping mechanisms provide a sense of continuity, connection, and resilience amidst the disruptions and challenges of migration. One aspect of positive religious coping among Afghan migrants is the preservation of cultural and religious traditions (Hasan et al., 2018; Khan, 2017). For many Afghan migrants, maintaining religious rituals, such as daily prayers, fasting during Ramadan, and celebrating religious holidays, fosters a sense of belonging and identity in their new environments. These practices provide spiritual nourishment and serve as markers of cultural heritage and community cohesion, enabling Afghan migrants to uphold their religious and cultural identities amidst acculturation pressures. Moreover, positive religious coping among Afghan migrants often involves drawing strength and support from religious communities and networks. Mosques, Islamic centers, and other religious institutions serve as vital hubs for socialization, mutual assistance, and collective solidarity among Afghan migrants. These spaces offer opportunities for prayer, fellowship, and shared religious activities, fostering a sense of belonging and camaraderie that mitigates feelings of isolation and alienation (Abu Raiya et al., 2018; Harrison et al., 2001; Skalisky et al., 2020. Additionally, positive religious coping may empower Afghan migrants to find meaning and purpose in their experiences of migration and adversity. Islamic teachings emphasize resilience, patience, and trust in the divine decree (qadar), encouraging individuals to persevere in the face of challenges and hardships. By interpreting their migration journeys through a religious lens, Afghan migrants may derive a sense of purpose and transcendence, viewing their struggles as tests of faith and opportunities for spiritual growth.
Furthermore, positive religious coping can contribute to the promotion of psychosocial well-being and mental health among Afghan migrants. Studies have shown that religious involvement and spirituality are associated with lower levels of psychological distress and greater subjective well-being among migrants and refugees (Abu Raiya et al., 2018; Ano & Vasconcelles., 2005; Pargament et al., 2011; . Engaging in religious practices, seeking guidance from religious leaders, and finding solace in religious teachings can provide Afghan migrants with a sense of hope, resilience, and inner peace amidst the uncertainties and stressors of migration. In conclusion, positive religious coping represents a significant adaptive mechanism for Afghan migrants, enabling them to draw strength, support, and meaning from their religious beliefs and practices in the context of migration and resettlement. By preserving cultural traditions, fostering community ties, finding purpose in adversity, and promoting psychosocial well-being, religion serves as a vital resource for resilience and coping among Afghan migrants as they navigate the challenges and opportunities of life in new host countries. However, it's essential to recognize that the experiences of religious coping are diverse and multifaceted, influenced by individual differences, cultural backgrounds, and contextual factors. Future research and interventions should acknowledge and build upon the strengths of religious coping while also addressing the unique needs and challenges faced by Afghan migrants in diverse cultural and social contexts.
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About Authors
Javeria Farooq, Dr Nelofar Kiran & Muhammad Usman National Institute of Psychology, Quaid-i-Azam University, Islamabad Corresponding Author: nelofar@nip.edu.pk
Appendix
Religious Coping Scale
The following items deal with ways you coped with the negative events in your life. Try to rate each item
separately in your mind from the others. Circle the answer that best applies to you.
